Links Round-Up: Minister Forced to Resign, Army Put on Hold, And More

Breaking News Alert

The Minister of Justice, Josué Pierre-Louis, resigned yesterday under pressure from Haitian parliament. He was charged with participating in the illegal arrest of an opposition party parliamentarian, Arnel Belizaire. Most believe the arrest was retribution for a public spat between Belizaire and the President.

 

Security

President Michel Martelly delayed the re-establishment of the Haitian army pending a ‘civilian commission’ recommendation, due on Jan. 1. Most likely this change occurred because of insufficient funds, or pressure from international actors.

Pairs Well With: The homicide rate in Haiti is not only lower than implied by the media, but is actually well below the average for Latin America and the Caribbean, according to a new study.

Also Pairs Well With: Our post urging everyone to move past the debate over lawlessness in Haiti, which is one of the main justifications for bringing back the army.

 

Economy and Trade

The Ministry of Trade seeks to attract investors, declaring: Haiti is open for business (h/t @moiracathleen).

Pairs Well With: Two articles showing how wage and union suppression have been used to deny the benefits of foreign investment to Haiti’s poor. In other words, investment is great – but only if the right regulations are in place.

The emergence of a vibrant entrepreneurial class in Haiti is one of the best defenses against predatory foreign investment. That’s why it’s exciting to hear that one of our partner groups, the What If? Foundation, is starting a club focused on developing students’ entrepreneurial skills.

Pairs Well With: Haiti’s first annual Global Entrepreneurship Day just concluded, which serves as another positive model of promoting Haitian-driven business ideas, as imposed to foreign-imposed ones.

 

Aid to Haiti

The Center for Economic and Policy Research again picks up on a story that HJA previously covered: the fact that USAID’s reliance on enormous contracts decreases the quality of its aid to Haiti.

Pairs Well With: HJA’s two pieces that focus on the effect of tied aid contracts and “indefinite quantity contracts” (IQCs), which are used because they’re administratively cheap, even though they produce terrible results.

Development Is Political

We had a wonderful series of events last week with Lavarice Gaudin, director of operations for the What If? Foundation. Lavarice braved 13 talks over 3 days, which included a panel, public speeches, and class appearances.

Although he offered unique insights each time, several common themes emerged. This post picks up one of those themes for further discussion.

Power and Politics in the US-Haiti Relationship

“The US relationship with Haiti is like somebody who breaks your legs, and then asks: why are you crippled?” – Lavarice Gaudin

Lavarice Gaudin at the University of Minnesota. Photo Credit: Paul Miller.

The Right Kind of Food Activism For Haiti: An Event Announcement

“It may have been good for some of my farmers in Arkansas, but… it was a mistake. I have to live everyday with the consequences of the loss of capacity to produce a rice crop in Haiti to feed those people because of what I did; nobody else.” – Former Pres. Bill Clinton

The above quote speaks to a profoundly important shift in Haiti since the 1980s: the replacement of most locally grown rice with US imports. Although Haiti produced enough rice to feed itself just 35 years ago, that era has long since passed. Today, the USA Rice Federation brags that Haiti is one of the 5 largest export markets (PDF) for American rice.

In this quote, Bill Clinton admitted something that Haitians have long known. By destroying its rice production system, the US “imposed” upon Haiti decades of devastating hunger. One of the Haitians fighting to reverse this trend is a visionary agricultural activist named Lavarice Gaudin. The Haiti Justice Alliance is thrilled to announce that Lavarice will be joining us in Minnesota from Nov. 6-10.

Weekly Links Round-Up

Breaking news: President Martelly met with former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide yesterday, as part of a tour of former leaders in which he also visited with former dictator Baby Doc Duvalier and coup leader Prosper Anvil.

President Martelly’s third nominee for Prime Minister, Garry Conille, is formally ratified by both houses, ending a political impasse.

Pairs Well With: Account of how Jeff Sachs’ doctrine of “economic shock therapy” – a hallmark of neoliberal economic policy in poor countries – shapes Conille’s economic view.

Also Pairs Well With: Discussion of Conille’s background and professional history. Conille says, “I am not the candidate that the blan [international community] is sending back to Haiti. I am the candidate that Haiti strategically put inside the blan to better understand the blan and to come back and help Haiti.”

Newly ratified Prime Minister Garry Conille. Photo credit: Miami Herald.

–

A major project of one of our partner groups, the Aristide Foundation University (UniFA) Medical School, re-opened last week. The Medical School has been closed since the US-backed coup that removed President Aristide in 2004, when US marines began using it as a base.

Pairs Well With: A review of President Martelly’s primary education plan. As one of the few social policy programs he has outlined in any detail, the focus on schooling is significant. Nonetheless, the review points out that with a projected funding gap of $80 million per year, the “sustainability of the program is unclear.”

The Harvard Group published an well-documented review of the recent human rights abuses perpetrated by MINUSTAH, the UN Mission in Haiti.

Pairs Well With: Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Adolfo Perez Esquivel penned a powerful sign-on letter demanding that contributing nations of Latin America withdraw their UN troops in Haiti:

It is unconscionable that our countries, which have all experienced foreign aggression, should be among those to trample the sovereignty of a country that has experienced countless brutal interventions since courageously breaking the chains of slavery and colonialism.

The Return of Haiti’s Army in Historical Context

President Martelly made headlines last week when a copy of his plan to reconstitute the army leaked. The Armed Forces of Haiti (FAdH) have been out of commission since President Jean-Bertrand Aristide responded to popular will by disbanding the military in April of 1995.

Understanding why the current debate over reinstatement is so heated requires historical perspective. In this piece, we touch on two reasons why the revival of the FAdH evokes such strong emotions.

 _

Human Rights and Government Power: FAdH’s Dark Past

The security apparatus (military, policing, and intelligence) that developed under the rule of Papa and Baby Doc Duvalier was complex and powerful. In the late 1970s, at the height of Baby Doc’s rule, it had become a flexible, multi-faceted tool of state repression.

The 60,000-100,000 citizens killed by the Duvaliers is a testament to the fact that their reign was only as strong as their military might. This military might was organized into five main branches (see figure).

           _

The clear delineations suggested by the figure, however, mask substantial overlap between the categories listed above.

For instance, the FAdH controlled all police functions. Therefore, of the roughly 33,000 employed as part of the security force, 23,000 (9,000 soldiers and 14,000 police) answered to the military command.

In addition to controlling the Military Police, the FAdH ran the prison system [1]. The pinnacle of this system was called Fort Dimanche – at times referred to as “the Auschwitz of Haiti” – where political prisoners and suspected members of the opposition met horrible fates.

Moreover, the FAdH had a role in training members of the three other security sector branches [2]. Two of these – the Presidential Guard and the Leopard Corps – were primarily tasked with protecting the president. However, the Volunteers for National Security – or, as they were more commonly called, the Tonton Macoutes – are widely considered to have perpetrated the worst of the abuses. The Council on Hemispheric Affairs says the Macoutes became the “central nervous system of [the Duvaliers’] reign of terror” by utilizing “continuous threats… as well as frequent random executions.”

While the relationship between the Macoutes and the FAdH was characterized as much by rivalry as cooperation, they complemented one another as tools for repressing the Haitian people. Thus, until Baby Doc’s ouster in 1986, the FAdH was the lynchpin of a vast apparatus of state terror that propped up two brutal dictators from 1957-1986. For obvious reasons, their reign is prominent in Haiti’s historical memory. The direct concern is, of course, that the FAdH would again be used to repress the people, violate human rights, and support authoritarian leadership.

_

Threat to Stability: The FAdH After Duvalier

In the decade after Duvalier’s fall, many facets of the security apparatus resurfaced with demands or power grabs, preventing stable governance and creating social tension.

Unwilling to Let Go of Power

First, a Haitian general named Henri Namphy took power after Duvalier fell. Two years later, when Haiti’s first elections were scheduled, Namphy orchestrated a military-led massacre of civilians, and subsequently blamed the violence on terrorists as a pretext for cancelling the elections altogether [3]. A rapid succession of FAdH and Presidential Guard members wrangled over power from 1987 to 1990; their consistent use of brutal tactics earned this era the title “Duvalierism without Duvalier.”

When free, fair elections were finally held, Jean-Bertrand Aristide won by a large margin and assumed the presidency in 1991. Yet within a year, a joint FAdH-Military Police force deposed him in order to restore military rule under General Raoul Cédras [3]. The military kept up another abusive reign until 1994, when the international community intervened to restore Presidency Aristide for the twilight of his term. Still undeterred, the army demanded cabinet posts and other concessions up until the eve of the civilian government’s restoration.

Thus, in the first five years after Duvalier, the FAdH, the Military Police, and the Presidential Guard all attempted to seize power at one point or another. But it didn’t stop there.

Undermining Democracy

Following reinstatement, President Aristide attempted to change this historical pattern of repression and coups by disbanding the Haitian army – a move supported by the large majority of Haiti’s population. Unsurprisingly, many in the army claimed the move was illegal. They subsequently militated for compensation without conditions for disarmament or demobilization, which they received ($28 million) in 2005.

Nonetheless, many discontented ex-army members joined paramilitary groups like the Front for the Advancement and Progress of Haiti (FRAPH) [3], which was a “death squad” dominated by former Macoutes and led by the CIA-bankrolled thug Emmanuel Constant. Worse still, after US-backed paramilitaries like FRAPH overthrew President Aristide’s democratically elected government for a second time in 2004-05, the US and UN paved the way for the ex-FAdH criminals among them to be integrated into the new Haitian National Police.

_

Return to the Past

With President Martelly planning to activate 500 soldiers this month, the army’s return appears imminent. Unfortunately, the collective suffering caused by the army and its remnant forces over decades of human rights atrocities assures that reconstituting the FAdH can only be seen as a return to Haiti’s oppressive past.

[Corrected 10/10/11: An earlier version of this article referred to the police under Duvalier as the Haitian National Police. Only the reconstituted, post-Duvalier police force went by this name.]

—

[1] Sarah Meharg and Aleisha Arnusch. Security Sector Reform: A Case Study Approach to Transition and Capacity Building. Strategic Studies Institute. 2010.

[2] Amnesty International. You Cannot Kill The Truth: The Case Against Jean-Claude Duvalier. 2011.

[3] Kathleen Marie Whitney. Sin, FRAPH, and the CIA: U.S. Covert Action in Haiti. Southwestern Journal of Law and Trade in the Americas, Vol. 3, Issue 2, pp. 303-32, 1996.

Weekly Links Round-Up

Haiti’s government is receiving less budget support from international aid in 2011 than before the earthquake in 2009.

Pairs Well With: Congressional testimony from Paul Farmer explaining why aid must empower the Haitian government if it is to be effective.

President Martelly publicly defended MINUSTAH throughout last week. First, he said in an interview he “opposes reducing UN force in Haiti… people are playing politics, trying to ask MINUSTAH to leave because they want to create instability.” Then, speaking at the UN on Friday, he said, “I am aware that unacceptable blunders have marred the prestige of the mission, but the trees should not hide the forest…”

Pairs Well With: This picture of last week’s protest march against MINUSTAH. See the whole Facebook album from AlterPresse.

Sign: "Down with MINUSTAH & Interim Haiti Relief Commission. Compensation for all victims! Collective Mobilization to compensate cholera victims."

Supporters of Baby Doc Duvalier crashed Amnesty International’s press conference presenting their report on his human rights abuses, in an attempt to intimidate and silence discussion of his crimes

Pairs Well With: Amnesty’s report, entitled “You Cannot Kill The Truth: The Case Against Jean-Claude Duvalier,” which includes testimony and other evidence demonstrating how widespread Baby Doc’s crimes were.

Concluding Notes:

Garry Conille has been ratified by Haiti’s Parliament, meaning he will become the next Prime Minister, barring a surprise rejection vote from the Senate.

As a concluding note, Sebastian Walker’s reflection on reporting from Haiti is both eloquent and incisive, containing several broader lessons for how to engage with Haiti as either a journalist or an NGO.

Framing Rule of Law Issues: Beyond “Lawless and Violent”

The media loves talking about lawlessness in Haiti (ad infinitum), which often leads to graphic depictions of ubiquitous violence. Many Haiti activists retort that these narratives brim with “unattributed false statement[s].” They point to the testimony of journalists like Sebastian Walker: “Haitians are among the most friendly, peaceful people I’ve ever encountered.”

Those informed by the mainstream media typically conclude that Haiti’s “lawlessness” necessitates more UN troops to impose security, while the justice-minded bemoan the “myth of Haiti’s lawless streets.” At this point, dialogue usually ceases as each side retires with their preferred conclusion.

Framing Rule of Law Issues Effectively

Human rights attorney Brian Concannon of the Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti (IJDH), however, frames rule of law issues in a manner that allows for overcoming this impasse.

Weekly Links Round-Up: Aba MINUSTAH

MINUSTAH Protests

“Aba MINUSTAH” means “Down with MINUSTAH” (the UN peacekeeping force in Haiti) in Haitian Creole. Last week’s roundup covered the breaking story of four UN peacekeepers who bound and raped an 18-year old Haitian man. Outrage over this incident has snowballed into a wave of protests, which build on nearly 7 years of discontentment with the UN among many Haitians.

Given the significance of these developments, we devote most of today’s round-up to this issue.

In Haiti: Several hundred protesters marched in the capital (video), and were tear-gassed by the police. @KOFAVIV, a Haitian grassroots women’s group that provides support to victims of sexual violence, reported via Twitter that dozens of tent camp residents were forced from their homes by tear gas fired into the tents.

Picture from Port-au-Prince of tear gas being fired adjacent to tent camps. Photo Credit: Etant Dupain.

In New York: Protesters demonstrated in front of the UN building, demanding reparations for the UN-introduced cholera and for an immediate drawdown of MINUSTAH forces.

In Uruguay: Civil Society groups in Uruguay – the country whose peacekeepers committed the assault against Johnny Jean – also demonstrated for all 1,000 Uruguayan troops to be withdrawn from Haiti.

US Response: Bill Clinton articulated the US response to the protesters, saying, “MINUSTAH has done way more good (audio) than harm here,” and pleading for this not to be interpreted as reflecting poorly on MINUSTAH at large.

Rebuttal: Nicole Phillips of IJDH provides a thorough rebuttal to Clinton (audio) that details both long-standing legal concerns over MINUSTAH’s presence, as well as a number of specific concerns regarding MINUSTAH’s misconduct.

In other news, Martelly and Clinton formed a council to court foreign investors, which is an integral part of their plan to revitalize the low-wage export sector in Haiti.

Finally, for the first time since his return earlier this year, there’s reason to believe former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide will appear in public to deliver a speech. The anticipated location is at the Aristide Foundation for Democracy, which is one of our partner groups.

Words vs. Action in US Haiti Policy

This guest post from our director, Paul Miller, builds on an important idea we’ve discussed before: that there’s a large disconnect between US policy toward Haiti and the statements of US policymakers. Paul writes passionately and persuasively about the consequences on this disconnect, and about the policies that HJA supports instead. 

The US aid model, which is subservient to US foreign policy goals, is not designed to strengthen Haiti’s governance or even to provide economic stability to Haiti.  Hand-wringing aside, US foreign aid – by design or by default – perpetuates a system of dependency that is exacerbated by the United States’ intentional undermining of democratic movements. The majority of large NGOs in Haiti contribute to this cycle (see Hallward, Damming the Flood).

The Haiti Justice Alliance (HJA) attempts to enlighten the Cheryl Mills of the world to the irony of their egocentric questions given the reality of their position of dominance.  While Hillary Clinton’s denunciation of Haiti’s government response to the earthquake is ridiculous, it nonetheless persists in the minds of the American public.  Her words perpetuate the sense that Haiti cannot function because of its corrupt government – and, by inference, its inept population.

Hillary Clinton at a press conference with President Martelly

Toward A Research Agenda For Activism

Haiti is home to many projects, intended to solve many problems. Sensational narratives like the recent Rolling Stone feature highlight the enormous failure rate for these projects, as well as the frustration of people involved in them. Their complaints are typical fare for tales of international aid failures: poor coordination, incompetence, corruption, and waste abound, with no clear lines of accountability.

Exposés like these are good at drumming up interest and opening the relief effort to criticism. Unfortunately, they fall short in the arena of deeper analysis. That’s where the Haiti Justice Alliance comes in.

On this blog, we’ve attempted to create a model for research-activism. This approach to activism is important for two reasons.

Speaking To, Rather Than Past, Each Other

First, for what it prevents: commentators casually dispense misinformation about Haiti, and grounding discussions in empirical information is an antidote to that unfortunate reality.