Event Announcement: Scholar of Haitian Human Rights Struggle to MN

There is a powerful saying in Haitian Creole: Konstitisyon se papye, bayonet se fè. (“The constitution is paper, the bayonet is steel.”) It reflects the fact that simply securing rights on paper is never enough. Rather, any human rights campaign must grapple with issues of power as much as it does with issues of law. That begins with creating popular pressure to even get to the metaphorical “day in court.” And it continues after the people have won their hard-earned “paper” rights.

In short, successful human rights work requires building a social movement.

This perspective permeates the pages of Fran Quigley’s new book, How Human Rights Can Build Haiti. It is fundamentally a book about the “rule of law.” But as longtime followers of this blog know, “rule of law” rhetoric has historically been deployed to justify horrendous abuses of power in Haiti.

That’s part of why this book deserves a wide audience. It recognizes that Haiti’s material hardship is exacerbated because they can’t enforce their rights (ranging from political sovereignty to business contracts to labor rights).

But Quigley doesn’t call on the military or UN peacekeepers to secure those rights at gunpoint, which is the typical international community approach (and which, unsurprisingly, often results in violating more rights than it secures). Rather, he recognizes that those rights must be articulated in a way that reflects commonly held values, and enforced by civil society as well as institutions of law.

Leading “the Struggle” – Grassroots Human Rights Advocacy

Enter Mario Joseph and Brian Concannon, the protagonists of this book, who are integral to both the legal and grassroots branches of this fight in Haiti. They are the heads of Bureau des Avocats Internationaux (BAI) and the Institute for Justice And Democracy in Haiti (IJDH), respectively. Quigley’s book documents their work to advance the rights of everyday Haitians, and shines a light on several of the actors and systems that persistently lead to gross violations of those rights.

Rather than beginning with the familiar rundown of Haiti’s travails, Quigley mainly focuses on key dimensions of this struggle:

• Holding the UN accountable for introducing cholera to Haiti;
• Prosecuting the recently returned dictator and strongman, Baby Doc Duvalier;
• Fighting for civil and criminal justice reform (i.e., the “rule of law”);
• The successful trial in 2000 of 59 coup and militia leaders who perpetrated a massacre of pro-Aristide demonstrators;

He gives ample attention to the “beyond-the-courtroom” strategy for raising the profile of these issues, changing the terms of the debate, and increasing the resilience of civil society.

As a result, this book is a welcome contribution to the burgeoning literature on post-quake Haiti. First, because it focuses on the agency of everyday Haitians in the face of various oppressors. And second, because it marries granular detail about the struggle on the ground with awareness of the international mechanisms that perpetuate inequality and rights violations in Haiti.

Event Details: Fran Quigley to Minnesota

Thus, it is with great pleasure that we announce Fran Quigley will be joining the Haiti Justice Alliance in Minnesota for a series of events in Northfield and Minneapolis.

Quigley is a law professor at Indiana University, where he teaches in the Health and Human Rights Clinic. In addition to working in human rights advocacy, much of his scholarship focuses on the intersection between building human rights/rule of law and social movement principles.

As such, he is well-positioned to peel back the layers and give a holistic portrayal of the inner workings of Haiti’s human rights struggle. We hope you’ll join us for one of the events listed below.

Minneapolis – Wed., Oct. 22

University of Minnesota:

• Building Human Rights in Haiti: Book Event
  4:30 PM, 235 Blegen Hall

Northfield – Thu., Oct. 23

Carleton:

• Coffee with Prof. Quigley: a chance to explore career paths and human rights work
  9:00 AM, Sayles-Hill 252

St. Olaf:

• Lunch with Prof. Quigley: Building Human Rights in Haiti + conversation
  11:00 AM, Sun Ballroom, Buntrock Commons 3rd Floor

Carleton:

• How Human Rights Can Build Haiti
  4:30 PM, Leighton 305
  

For other opportunities to connect with Prof. Quigley, or questions about these events, contact Natalie Miller at mill5118@umn.edu.

Event Announcement: Grassroots Haiti Activist to MN

“Self-Appointed Saviors”

The world has imposed solution after solution on Haiti.

Woodrow Wilson sent the US Marines to occupy Haiti from 1915-1934, allegedly to “reintroduce stability.” But when they finally relinquished control of Haiti’s finances in the 1950s, Haiti had accumulated tens of millions in international debt.

In the 1980s, international agencies informed Haitian farmers that they would replace their native Creole pigs, because the local breed was sick. Unfortunately, the new pigs, fresh off the farms of Iowa, were unaccustomed to conditions in Haiti and died off – thereby eliminating the “primary savings account” for many farmers.

In the meantime, corporations and western governments pressured Haiti to abandon agriculture in favor of textile-led growth. Clinton later apologized, calling these policies a “devil’s bargain” that sold out Haiti’s farmers over false promises of growth through textile manufacturing. But no one has claimed responsibility for the most damaging consequence: the demise of the farming sparked a mass migration to the Port-au-Prince, where hastily constructed slums afforded no protection against the earthquake that claimed ~300,000 lives.

Doomed to repeat the past?

Since the earthquake, the international community has doubled down on its failed model of imposing solutions from without.

In the year after the earthquake, less than 1% of relief and recovery funds went to the Haitian government, Haitian companies, or Haitian NGOs. Instead, the world chose to fund a consortium of contractors who make a living off disasters. If there were any questions about the (in)effectiveness of this approach, they were answered when one high-profile project triggered protests and threats that farmers would burn the “aid” they received.

An Alternative: Beverly Bell and Grassroots Advocacy

This background explains why we’re so excited to host Beverly Bell in Minnesota April 21-23. Beverly Bell sees hope for Haiti’s future in the efforts of Haitian grassroots organizers and social movements. She has 3 decades of experience working with these types of organizations in pursuit of just economies; democratic participation; and rights for women other marginalized peoples.

Beverly Bell and her new book, Fault Lines.

 

If history is any indication, then she has the right formula. All the major milestones in Haitian history – from the successful slave revolt that made it the first free republic in 1804 to the democratic groundswell that toppled a dictator and ushered Haiti’s first democratic leader into power – have been achieved through the struggle of the Haitian citizenry. At best, the international community has stood in the way. At worst – and much more often – it has actively undermined Haiti’s progress.

Fault Lines: An Important Post-Quake Account

Beverly Bell will speak about her recent book, Fault Lines: Views Across Haiti’s Divide. The book illustrates how the earthquake compounded pre-existing socio-economic injustices in Haiti. It sheds light on how the exploitative doctrine of “disaster capitalism” has driven the international response to the quake. And perhaps most importantly, it highlights the work grassroots actors are undertaking to resist this influence and define a future based on domestic priorities, rather than imported (and imposed) ones.

As the coordinator of Other Worlds Are Possible, Beverly Bell works not just to educate, but also to generate support for alternative movements and models of engagement.

Schedule

Beverly Bell will be appearing at St. Olaf, Carleton, University of Minnesota, and Macalester. Her public speaking schedule is as follows:

Northfield – Monday, April 21

St. Olaf:
     “Other Worlds Are Possible”
4:00 PM, BC143 (2nd floor of Buntrock)

Carleton:
     “Charity vs. Justice: Challenging the Global Engagement Model”
7:00 PM, Athenaeum (Carleton Library)

Minneapolis – Tuesday, April 22

Common Roots:
“Food Justice in Haiti: Monsanto, USAID, and Alternative Agriculture Models“
     12:00 PM, Meeting Room

University of Minnesota:
“Disaster Capitalism: Lessons from Haiti”
     4:30 PM, Blegen 155

Macalester:
    “Disaster Capitalism: Lessons from Haiti”
     7:30 PM, Neill Hall 401

 

For more information about Northfield events, contact Paul Miller (thehaitiman@msn.com)

For more information about the U of M event, contact Natalie Miller (mill5118@umn.edu)

For more information about Minneapolis events or other opportunities to connect with Beverly Bell, contact Nathan Yaffe (nathan.yaffe@gmail.com)

Event Announcement: Haiti Human Rights Reformer to MN

Haiti’s central challenges revolve around rights violations. On one level, political and business elites abuse the rights of Haiti’s poor majority. On another, the international community routinely ignores Haiti’s rights as a sovereign state. These mutually reinforcing dynamics have consistently exacerbated poverty and inequality in the country.

The Institute for Justice and Democracy (IJDH) is at the forefront of the fight to help Haitians exercise their rights in pursuit of a better future. It is thus with great pleasure that the Haiti Justice Alliance will host Brian Concannon, director of IJDH, from Apr. 10-12 for a series of exciting events in Minnesota.

This post introduces IJDH’s work on several rights-related issues, highlighting the unique virtues of their approach. Also included is the event schedule for Mr. Concannon’s visit.

The UN’s Cholera Crimes

Most prominent in the headlines of late is IJDH’s joint campaign with its Haitian affiliate, the Bureau des Avocats Internationaux (BAI), to sue the UN on behalf of cholera victims.

The UN mission in Haiti (known by its French acronym, MINUSTAH) failed to properly screen its peacekeepers from Nepal, where an active cholera outbreak was taking place, before sending them to Haiti. Subsequently, it failed to properly dispose of waste from the Nepalese peacekeepers’ camp, allowing fecal matter (which spreads cholera) to be dumped into Haiti’s longest and most important river, the Artibonite.

The UN argues that what “really caused” the outbreak was lack of sanitation, even as it acknowledges a UN soldier introduced the disease. With this defense, it seeks to dodge responsibility for its actions.

However, buying this argument requires a bit of amnesia. Prior to the cholera outbreak, the UN urged foreign actors to exercise additional caution given Haiti’s post-quake vulnerability. Now they’ve changed their tune, using an argument that boils down to: “Haiti’s vulnerability means we’re off the hook no matter how much damage we did.”

In this instance, the damage amounts to more than 7,000 reported deaths and half a million infections, making Haiti home to the world’s largest cholera outbreak. As does any victim of gross, criminal negligence, the people of Haiti deserve compensation. Or at the very least, they have the right to a fair hearing about whether such compensation is merited.

IJDH-BAI is spearheading the effort to overcome UN stonewalling, and provide Haitian cholera victims with a path to justice. If successful, this lawsuit will be the first time the UN itself has been held legally accountable for its actions in a fragile state.

At their core, UN abuses in Haiti (which also include pervasive sexual assault and extra-judicial killings) return to issues of sovereignty. MINUSTAH only came to be under the repressive US-imposed interim regime that followed the 2004 US-backed coup against Haiti’s democratically elected president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide.

Thus, on one level, the UN cholera lawsuit reasserts Haiti’s sovereign rights in the face of foreign oppression enacted by a peacekeeping force the people of Haiti don’t want in their country in the first place. Mr. Concannon is one of the primary driving forces behind this unique and complex international human rights law case.

Rights of Victims, Rights of the Imprisoned: Holistic Judicial Reform

Through his work with IJDH and BAI, Mr. Concannon is also deeply involved in reforming the judicial system in Haiti. Two examples: improving access to legal services for survivors of sexual assault, and ending the backlog of inmates who have been imprisoned without so much as being formally charged.

The IJDH-BAI approach is a model of grassroots community engagement. In contrast to the top-down methods used by many foreign actors, IJDH-BAI use a “victim-centered approach,” which “com­bines tra­di­tional legal strate­gies with empow­er­ment of vic­tims’ orga­ni­za­tions and polit­i­cal advo­cacy.”

As such, Mr. Concannon is not just an international law expert and an accomplished judicial reformer. He’s also a pioneer when it comes to using law for the direct empowerment of citizens. By helping the people of Haiti exercise their own rights, Mr. Concannon’s work has a lasting impact that overcomes the political vicissitudes of individual institutional reforms.

 

Join Us To Learn From Brian Concannon’s Expertise and Experiences

This introduction only just begins to capture the scope of Mr. Concannon’s work through IJDH and BAI. Other efforts include a high-profile case to prosecute Jean-Claude Duvalier, the former dictator of Haiti, as well as work to secure housing rights for those displaced after the earthquake.

Mr. Concannon’s full schedule of public events can be found by clicking here. Additionally, we will be screening a compelling new documentary that provides background about the effect of the cholera outbreak. This film will air at Carleton on Mon, Apr. 2 at 7:00 PM in the Weitz Center and at St. Olaf on Tue, Apr. 3 at 7:00 PM in Viking Theater.

3 Principles to Ensure You Do (or Support) Effective, Appropriate Work in Haiti

In the first post following Lavarice Gaudin’s visit to Minnesota, we argued that development is political. Any NGO that ignores the political factors perpetuating Haiti’s poverty can’t contribute to meaningful, structural changes.

This time, we outline the steps you can take to get involved in a better way. These steps apply whether you’re an NGO looking to do work in Haiti, or a donor looking to give money. The Haiti Justice Alliance was established with the belief that these steps are critical to successfully working for real change in Haiti:

1. Research the history of the problem you want to work on as well as the method you want to use to get involved;
2. Empower people in Haiti through partnership rather than unilateral action;
3. Complement existing efforts rather than duplicating them.

 

Why Don’t More People Do This Already?

There are, of course, many who work in Haiti effectively, but several obstacles make this regrettably uncommon.

For starters, US government involvement reads like a laundry list of pitfalls to avoid in Haiti. People who take their cues from US aid programs are almost certain to get it wrong.

Development Is Political

We had a wonderful series of events last week with Lavarice Gaudin, director of operations for the What If? Foundation. Lavarice braved 13 talks over 3 days, which included a panel, public speeches, and class appearances.

Although he offered unique insights each time, several common themes emerged. This post picks up one of those themes for further discussion.

Power and Politics in the US-Haiti Relationship

“The US relationship with Haiti is like somebody who breaks your legs, and then asks: why are you crippled?” – Lavarice Gaudin

Lavarice Gaudin at the University of Minnesota. Photo Credit: Paul Miller.

The Right Kind of Food Activism For Haiti: An Event Announcement

“It may have been good for some of my farmers in Arkansas, but… it was a mistake. I have to live everyday with the consequences of the loss of capacity to produce a rice crop in Haiti to feed those people because of what I did; nobody else.” – Former Pres. Bill Clinton

The above quote speaks to a profoundly important shift in Haiti since the 1980s: the replacement of most locally grown rice with US imports. Although Haiti produced enough rice to feed itself just 35 years ago, that era has long since passed. Today, the USA Rice Federation brags that Haiti is one of the 5 largest export markets (PDF) for American rice.

In this quote, Bill Clinton admitted something that Haitians have long known. By destroying its rice production system, the US “imposed” upon Haiti decades of devastating hunger. One of the Haitians fighting to reverse this trend is a visionary agricultural activist named Lavarice Gaudin. The Haiti Justice Alliance is thrilled to announce that Lavarice will be joining us in Minnesota from Nov. 6-10.

Framing Rule of Law Issues: Beyond “Lawless and Violent”

The media loves talking about lawlessness in Haiti (ad infinitum), which often leads to graphic depictions of ubiquitous violence. Many Haiti activists retort that these narratives brim with “unattributed false statement[s].” They point to the testimony of journalists like Sebastian Walker: “Haitians are among the most friendly, peaceful people I’ve ever encountered.”

Those informed by the mainstream media typically conclude that Haiti’s “lawlessness” necessitates more UN troops to impose security, while the justice-minded bemoan the “myth of Haiti’s lawless streets.” At this point, dialogue usually ceases as each side retires with their preferred conclusion.

Framing Rule of Law Issues Effectively

Human rights attorney Brian Concannon of the Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti (IJDH), however, frames rule of law issues in a manner that allows for overcoming this impasse.

Words vs. Action in US Haiti Policy

This guest post from our director, Paul Miller, builds on an important idea we’ve discussed before: that there’s a large disconnect between US policy toward Haiti and the statements of US policymakers. Paul writes passionately and persuasively about the consequences on this disconnect, and about the policies that HJA supports instead. 

The US aid model, which is subservient to US foreign policy goals, is not designed to strengthen Haiti’s governance or even to provide economic stability to Haiti.  Hand-wringing aside, US foreign aid – by design or by default – perpetuates a system of dependency that is exacerbated by the United States’ intentional undermining of democratic movements. The majority of large NGOs in Haiti contribute to this cycle (see Hallward, Damming the Flood).

The Haiti Justice Alliance (HJA) attempts to enlighten the Cheryl Mills of the world to the irony of their egocentric questions given the reality of their position of dominance.  While Hillary Clinton’s denunciation of Haiti’s government response to the earthquake is ridiculous, it nonetheless persists in the minds of the American public.  Her words perpetuate the sense that Haiti cannot function because of its corrupt government – and, by inference, its inept population.

Hillary Clinton at a press conference with President Martelly

Toward A Research Agenda For Activism

Haiti is home to many projects, intended to solve many problems. Sensational narratives like the recent Rolling Stone feature highlight the enormous failure rate for these projects, as well as the frustration of people involved in them. Their complaints are typical fare for tales of international aid failures: poor coordination, incompetence, corruption, and waste abound, with no clear lines of accountability.

Exposés like these are good at drumming up interest and opening the relief effort to criticism. Unfortunately, they fall short in the arena of deeper analysis. That’s where the Haiti Justice Alliance comes in.

On this blog, we’ve attempted to create a model for research-activism. This approach to activism is important for two reasons.

Speaking To, Rather Than Past, Each Other

First, for what it prevents: commentators casually dispense misinformation about Haiti, and grounding discussions in empirical information is an antidote to that unfortunate reality.

Lessons From The FOIA Series

In the final installment of our Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) series, we explore different ways the US could’ve handled the relief effort.

The first post revealed that most of our money went to two forms of aid – militarized aid and “tied” food aid – both of which the US is chastised for using because they’re either ineffective or harmful. The second post showed that most of the rest of the money went to the UN – followed by private contractors – and that within the UN, it was allocated in a manner that neglected Haiti’s biggest post-quake challenge.

This time we peek under the hood of the USAID system to understand what led to those choices. This perspective is essential not only for explaining why the relief effort played out as it did, but more importantly, for pointing the way forward from here.